The Biden administration needs a plan to bring deportees

Author : flamengsis
Publish Date : 2021-03-05 07:36:00


Under the Obama administration, millions of people were ripped from the United States and deported to countries they hadn’t known for years or even decades. The Biden administration needs a plan to bring those deportees back home to the United States.

Rafael Rivas built his whole life in the United States. He went to school and worked as a computer network administrator in California, where he lived for twenty-nine years. But in 2013, Rafael was deported to El Salvador, the country his family had abandoned in the midst of a civil war when he was still a child.

“Sometimes, it’s lonely,” he admits. “Especially around the holidays.”

Rafael was one of more than 3 million people deported during the Obama administration, torn from his mother, his children, and his entire extended family. Joe Biden staked his presidential campaign on reversing Donald Trump’s notorious anti-migrant policies, emphasizing the horrors of family separation. But for all the talk of keeping families together, the administration’s immigration agenda has so far excluded the vast and growing population of people deported from the United States — millions of whom were torn from the arms of their loved ones under Barack Obama’s presidency and Biden’s vice presidency.

Joe Biden’s Immigration Policies Must Bring Deportees Back Home to the US

Exiled by Deportation
As the end of his ten-year reentry prohibition approaches, Rafael has been researching possibilities for returning to the United States. “I do want to go back,” he says, “not to live over there, but just to be able to see my mother before she dies. And my kids.”

But opportunities for people like Rafael to legally reenter the United States after deportation are scarce at best. Unlike “voluntary” departures, or what the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) calls “returns” (as in, a return to the person’s country of birth), deportation or removal proceedings have long-term legal implications. Historically, the number of such returns far exceeded removals, mostly targeting Mexican migrants detained near the southern border.

‘I’m thinking of writing a letter to [President Biden]. ‘Cause otherwise I’ll never see my kids again,’ says Rafael Rivas.
Under the Obama administration, however, returns became the exception and removals the rule. By 2011, formal deportations surpassed returns for the first time since 1941. From 2009 through the end of 2016, Obama and Biden oversaw record deportations from the United States, outpacing their Democratic and Republican predecessors alike.

Many deportees are banned from the United States for anywhere from three to twenty years. Others, including those convicted for unlawful reentry, can be banned from the country for life, facing up to twenty years in prison if they attempt to return. For people with criminal records in the United States, securing even a tourist visa after deportation can be next to impossible.

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The number of people deported by Obama and Biden far outweighed those extended protections by stringent temporary programs like DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) or TPS (Temporary Protected Status). The administration claimed to target enforcement on “felons, not families,” although more than 40 percent of those deported under Obama and Biden had no criminal convictions of any kind. But felons have families, too, and millions of migrants swept into the prison industrial complex by racist policing found themselves facing the double jeopardy of incarceration followed by expulsion from the country they called home.

The Reintegration Myth
Longtime US residents like Rafael face isolation, discrimination, and often violence in their countries of birth. One report from Human Rights Watch identified 138 deportees murdered after deportation to El Salvador since 2013, but the true figure is certainly much higher. On January 31 alone, the bodies of two men were found in San Salvador. Victims of homicide, both had been deported from the United States.

“I’ve seen so many die,” says Juan Martin, deported to El Salvador in 2008 after more than twenty years in the United States. Like so many of his peers, Juan attempted to return, only to be detained and charged with a felony for illegal reentry. “Common sense will tell you that if you live in the country for so long and you get removed, any human being in their right mind will go back.”

Far from their loved ones and isolated by social stigma, deportees enter local economies designed to export their labor, not integrate it.

“They’re sending so many people over here, and there’s no jobs,” says Willie López, deported in 2016 at the age of fifty after living in California for more than thirty years. “Among the deportees, there’s a lot of professionals, people who used to have certifications, licenses, and they’re not working in what they know.”

Biden has proposed a $4 billion plan to stem migration from Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, modeled on his 2014 Plan Colombia–inspired “Alliance for Prosperity.” The plan would increase funding to strengthen “development programs” for the reintegration of deportees into the societies that they had abandoned, initiatives that usually center job training or seed capital for micro businesses. Deportee advocates are skeptical.

“It’s all the same,” says Juan Ramón Toledo, president of the Salvadoran Alliance of Returnees (ALSARE, in Spanish). He sees Biden’s proposal as yet another mechanism to control workers’ mobility and strengthen the repressive arms of local governments: “The better part of the funds will go to strengthen the three governments on the issue of security.”



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