We also learn this in Poli-Sci 101: All politics are local. But for some reason, nobody follows this. What we’ve seen is

Then, the majority of people in America cannot tell you who their senator is. It’s the most unknown, powerful position in the country. Really being able to let folks know the relevance of U.S. senators in their day-to-day life creates an opportunity, but it’s also a challenge.

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ic because it is. But it’s that type of thinking and sea-change that takes a company from the brink of failure to the most valuable company in the world. To a company that is not worth “mere” billions, but trillions. Again, it takes a major change. In thinking. In behavior.

Then once the lie is exposed, your child suffers. But if you are the source of that lie, they will suffer alone. They won’t reach out to you because you are the liar. And they may even piece together a narrative with a very cynical conclusion— no one can be trusted.

Then once the lie is exposed, your child suffers. But if you are the source of that lie, they will suffer alone. They won’t reach out to you because you are the liar. And they may even piece together a narrative with a very cynical conclusion— no one can be trusted.

One of the reasons a winning team’s fan base always grows after they win is because there’s a level of momentum. There was a victory based on turnout that flipped the state after 27 years. That created a wind under our wings that we can actually tap into.

The second challenge to overcome is that this has been the longest election year ever. Politics has always been a factor in American life, but it has been the focal point for the past year. There’s some element of fatigue. I literally am only watching Netflix because the political commercials on TV are driving me crazy. I can’t take it. That’s also a barrier that we have to overcome.

And it’s like what my grandmother said: If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it. We have an infrastructure in place that has been proven to work. This election cycle, out of all the years that I’ve worked in Georgia, I’ve never seen the kind of collaborative, collective work around civic engagement and getting people out to vote like I saw this year. There has also been a major demographic shift in the South, and that does change the political ideology of the state, because you have a larger pool of voters who are more aligned to progressive ideas.

The work wasn’t overnight. It has been an ongoing process for more than a decade. The way I talk about community power is like electricity: Thomas Edison didn’t create electricity in the purest sense; what he created was a conduit to organize the energy and direct it. It was already there. That’s the same way I see organizing: We’re not creating power; the power is already there. This outcome in Georgia is a result of deep-seated organizing. It works. While I do certainly believe that Black folks, particularly Black women, were at the vanguard, we weren’t leading this by ourselves. There is a multigenerational, multicultural coalition that is rising up in the South and is really going to transform it.

You add that on top of, in between the elections, Christmas and New Year’s. Most of us check out. I know I do. Those are all things that create a particular kind of environment for the election.

There also was a perfect storm. We saw an environment where people were extremely frustrated. In the midst of the largest health pandemic that we’ve had in this country in more than 100 years, we had a lack of leadership in this state. We’ve not seen the kind of policy or leadership that would be able to effectively deal with Covid-19. As a result, Georgia has been one of the states that has had an unusually high number of cases. Many of our communities were disproportionately impacted. Albany, Georgia, was one of the communities that at one point had one of the worst per capita rates in the world. It has also impacted our businesses; many folks lost their jobs.

Our work is around power building, not elections. You see the vicious cycle of all this energy and this work right before the election happens, and then it dissipates as soon as it’s over—you can never really build any sustainable community political infrastructure. We have to be transformative, not transactional. Our engagement can’t just be around the transaction of an election. Who’s excited to see the friend who only comes around when they want something? You have to show up for communities the way they need you and when they need you.

The very institution of runoff elections is due to institutional racism. The history of its creation in the South was actually to give white candidates an advantage. It has its own historical barriers. We normally see in runoff elections that there’s a deep drop-off with the majority of voters, particularly in the African American community.

We were also ground zero in 2018 for voter suppression. It was open; it was abhorrent. Those who were bad actors, they were effective at using voter suppression efforts to get in office, but they grossly underestimated that there would be a backlash and a response to it. Our community in Georgia came out in response to that.

Then the fourth part is advocating around voting rights. We just filed a lawsuit against the state of Georgia to have them immediately restore 198,000 voters who were erroneously blocked from the voting rolls. We also educate people around voter suppression and the need for expanding voting rights. That’s a core part of our work.

The last thing is you had a very divisive candidate leading the ticket. It’s one thing to be president. It’s a whole ’nother thing to be a racist and align yourself as a white nationalist. Those of us who live in the South, we are still smelling the bitter stench of what white supremacy has meant, of the burning of the bodies of our people. We can still taste the blood of what racism and white supremacy did, of the murders of our people in this community.