Again, the difficulty in pinning down who is and is not working class doesn’t mean class doesn’t exist or doesn’t matter

These movements’ gains were partial, and did not result in true equality or justice. But no class-based movement in the U.S. has managed to build on direct action and moral resistance in the way these antiracist movements did.

Class-first leftists also argue that class provides a more universal basis for organizing. As Burgis puts it, “the movement against police violence would be more effective if it were primarily framed as a matter of urgent self-interest for poor people of all races.” This is again an empirical claim about which kinds of social movements are most effective. And in an American context, it is empirically inaccurate.

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Accepting that class is as contingent as any other oppression makes it easier to imagine a world without it. Class-first leftism, in fetishizing the materiality of class over other oppressions, makes it harder to accomplish the changes that the left claims to want.

Class-first leftism isn’t just a theory. It also makes a number of empirical claims. For example, class-first leftists argue that economic motives are behind virtually all oppression. The desire for wealth caused slavery, Burgis argues, and racial “prejudices that originally came about as rationalizations for fundamentally economic crimes like slavery and colonialism later took on a life of their own.”

Antisemitism, for example, long predates what we’d generally think of as capitalism. In Europe, Christian restrictions on proto-capitalist banking ended up pushing Jewish people into lending and business, which explains much of the economic component of modern antisemitism. In this case, you could argue that economic prejudices that originally came about as rationalizations for fundamentally religious crimes later took on a life of their own.

Class-first leftists don’t like the idea that class is just another form of oppression, not the one true (or at least predominant) one. But insisting that class is objective, or uniquely solid, actually makes resistance more difficult. If class distinctions are the realest thing in people’s lives, how do you overturn them?

Nor does class have a strong claim to be the original oppression. As Shulamith Firestone argues in The Dialectic of Sex, there’s a much better case to be made for gender as the first, material basis of discrimination and exploitation. Body mass dimorphism has always given men a (supposedly) objective (supposedly) material ground for violence against women.

As in the past, so today: antiracism now is a more universal, more powerful force for change than class-based organizing. As author Zoltan Hajnal explains in his book Dangerously Divided: How Race and Class Shape Winning and Losing in American Politics, our current political landscape is split by race much more than class.

It does seem likely that economic motives created strong incentives for codifying and elaborating racial prejudice. But the case for economics preceding prejudice in all cases is dicey.

Class distinctions that encourage deference to full professors over adjuncts, or which mean that Hollywood actresses need to kowtow to Harvey Weinstein to get jobs, have real material consequences. But they are themselves cultural constructs. They’re a way to create distinctions between people to control them — and can also be a way to organize around shared oppression to resist that control.

In the 2016 presidential election, Clinton won 89 percent of Black voters and 37 percent of white voters — a 52 point gap. By contrast, 53 percent of those with incomes under $50,000 voted for Clinton, while 47 percent of those with incomes over $100,000 did — a mere six-point gap. Black voters were much more uniformly opposed to Trump’s agenda of tax cuts for the wealthy, erosion of worker protections, and racist attacks on immigrants. Class-first leftists argue that we should organize the working class to fight against class oppression first and other oppressions second. But in practice, it is Black voters whose antiracism leads them to turn out to oppose oligarchy.

But if you accept that class is constructed, you can recognize that deprivation and poverty are real, material inequities imposed by arbitrary human choice — much like slavery, or the closet, or patriarchy have been imposed by human choice. Labor exploitation exists because some human beings choose it and many others choose to accept it, and that’s enough to stop those who reject it from ending it. We can decide to change class hierarchies by giving the poor money, or by giving everyone a job, or by giving workers control of the means of production. Class is entrenched and brutalizing. But its reality is created by society.

If the first form of exploitation is the realest, then patriarchy has pride of place over capitalism, and class-first leftists should convert to gender-first leftism. Or, alternately, they should give up the idea that historical precedence translates into theoretical or empirical precedence when it comes to oppression.

There have certainly been numerous, admirable, important labor fights that focused on poverty and class oppression. But the most effective movements to transform material conditions in the U.S. have been antiracist. During the Civil War, around 4 million Black people took advantage of the conflict to emancipate themselves and take control of their own labor and personhood. The Civil Rights movement in the 1950s and ‘60s similarly led to a revolution in property laws, access to resources, and political power.