Make sure to consider how much time you have spent using AWS. I came in with little experience and had to spend about 20

When World War I began in 1914, Zelle was free to cross borders because The Netherlands was a neutral country. She had numerous lovers among the military and was not particular as to their nationality.

These movements’ gains were partial, and did not result in true equality or justice. But no class-based movement in the U.S. has managed to build on direct action and moral resistance in the way these antiracist movements did.

Class-first leftists think that class should come first in organizing and should, in theory, provide a basis for universal organizing. But antiracist organizing has done a lot more to inspire mass movements in the United States, and has formed the basis for sweeping economic change. Ignoring the realities of organizing on the ground because it does not fit academic theories of change is the opposite of what leftists are supposed to be about.

The popularity of Mata Hari’s act led to the emergence of imitators. Her critics eventually turned on her, saying that her act was merely cheap sensationalism rather than art.

Class-first leftists insist they are committed to ending racism, sexism, transphobia, antisemitism, and other forms of discrimination. But in practice, as intersectional leftists have argued, when you insist that class is the foundational and most important form of oppression, you inevitably end up tossing people who experience other forms of oppression under the bus.

Before long, Zelle became the mistress of the museum’s wealthy founder Lyon industrialist Émile Étienne Guimet. She tried unsuccessfully to regain custody of her daughter. Her ex-husband produced photographs of her in her performance attire (or lack thereof) to convince the court that she was an unfit mother.

Mata Hari’s fame had always been dependent upon her unbridled sexuality, but as conditions worsened across Europe, the public began to view her in a more critical light. They had once considered her an artist, but now she seemed to be only a licentious woman of questionable loyalties. Since she was no longer a dancer and approaching middle age, people wondered if she was supplementing her income as a spy.

Similarly, antiracism inspired months of protest this summer. Black Lives Matter, a movement primarily organized around antiracism, not class solidarity, brought a variety of Americans into the street together and articulated a program linking racial exploitation to class oppression. “Defund the police” is not just an antiracist campaign. It is an economic call to action; a demand that we shift funding from violent agents of the state into avenues that improve Black communities, especially poorer ones.

By 1915, Zelle was pushing forty and no longer in high demand as a dancer. She performed for the last time in March of that year, but her liaisons with wealthy and powerful men continued to fund her opulent lifestyle.

There have certainly been numerous, admirable, important labor fights that focused on poverty and class oppression. But the most effective movements to transform material conditions in the U.S. have been antiracist. During the Civil War, around 4 million Black people took advantage of the conflict to emancipate themselves and take control of their own labor and personhood. The Civil Rights movement in the 1950s and ‘60s similarly led to a revolution in property laws, access to resources, and political power.

There are things that most people are unlikely to have experience with that will show up in studying. Have you ever migrated a data warehouse from on-premise to the cloud? Most people haven’t either but that doesn’t mean you should go do that before taking the exam. There is no single thing you can do that will give you a distinct advantage before studying for the CSAA exam. Having experience in AWS will help but don’t let that stop you from getting certified. The important part is pacing yourself so that you learn it all and don’t burn out while doing so.

In the 2016 presidential election, Clinton won 89 percent of Black voters and 37 percent of white voters — a 52 point gap. By contrast, 53 percent of those with incomes under $50,000 voted for Clinton, while 47 percent of those with incomes over $100,000 did — a mere six-point gap. Black voters were much more uniformly opposed to Trump’s agenda of tax cuts for the wealthy, erosion of worker protections, and racist attacks on immigrants. Class-first leftists argue that we should organize the working class to fight against class oppression first and other oppressions second. But in practice, it is Black voters whose antiracism leads them to turn out to oppose oligarchy.

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is less about looking up friends than it is about looking at friends. Research tells us that, on average, Facebook users spend more time examining others’ pages than adding content to their own. The site’s most frequent visitors — most often females who post and share photos and who receive status updates — use the site for “social surveillance.” These social investigators usually aren’t getting in touch or staying in touch with friends as much as they are checking up on them.”

Class-first leftists also argue that class provides a more universal basis for organizing. As Burgis puts it, “the movement against police violence would be more effective if it were primarily framed as a matter of urgent self-interest for poor people of all races.” This is again an empirical claim about which kinds of social movements are most effective. And in an American context, it is empirically inaccurate.

As in the past, so today: antiracism now is a more universal, more powerful force for change than class-based organizing. As author Zoltan Hajnal explains in his book Dangerously Divided: How Race and Class Shape Winning and Losing in American Politics, our current political landscape is split by race much more than class.