Skeptics questioned why Bezos was giving money to combat homelessness while also fighting a proposed Seattle tax that wo

But the bigger concern, some critics say, is the very source of Scott’s money, and what she owes the public as a result. “That money, as she very well knows, was made through tax avoidance, by wage theft, by union busting, by driving workers into the ground at every turn,” says Anand Giridharadas, author of Winners Take All. “She now has this classic modern dilemma: she is a serious person who wants to give the money back in ways that actually advance justice.” Notably absent on the list of groups she supported, he says, were nonprofits focused on workers or labor rights. “The most important thing she could do is make sure she’s pushing for the kind of structural, systemic changes that would make it impossible for a fortune like hers to arise ever again,” he says.

Then, in early July, Valencia got a weird email from someone claiming to work for an unnamed philanthropist, requesting a call. “For a fairly small organization like ours — we have 15 employees — you become a little suspicious,” he says. “Is this one of those send-money-to-whatever” scams?

Yet, other than the recipient groups, categories, and broad amounts, she didn’t reveal much about how she gave the money away or how she may give in the future, which concerns some critics. “MacKenzie Scott, by virtue of the amount of money she has, has an obligation to be more transparent about the structure she set up for her philanthropies and her future intentions,” Reich says. The “announcement is an announcement of her power, and power, wherever it is wielded in a democratic society, deserves scrutiny.” An undisclosed detail — whether she gave directly, through a foundation, or through an LLC — translates into important tax advantage distinctions, different disclosure requirements, and other specifics like whether or not she can support political causes. Plus, the speed with which she reviewed the nonprofits and gave the money, with little tracking, raises some concern that the groups won’t use it well — although it also means money gets where it’s needed faster (and perhaps indicates that the slow, deliberate grantmaking that philanthropists often do isn’t necessary).

This spring hadn’t been a great one for Jorge Valencia. The nonprofit he runs, Point Foundation, offers scholarships and mentoring to LGBTQ students. When campuses shut down due to coronavirus, he and his staff scrambled to find students a safe place to stay, meals, and even Wi-Fi to connect to remote learning. When the George Floyd protests gathered strength, the organization announced new scholarships for LGBTQ students of color. Valencia worried about shifting to online fundraising from in-person events, and about whether donors would be generous when many of them were losing jobs. When an article in a prominent philanthropy publication detailed how nonprofits led by non-whites receive less grant money and receive more scrutiny than others, Valencia, a first-generation Mexican American, fretted about his own future. “You can imagine, when that article was sent to me, the questions that come into one’s mind: Are they going to let me go, because if they were to hire someone who wasn’t of color, the organization might get more money?” he says.

“I cried,” Valencia says. “What can I say? It’s the truth. It was really humbling.” She had given a huge, unrestricted contribution. That was “almost unheard of,” he says. “When somebody says it’s unrestricted, they’re saying to you as an organization, ‘I trust the way you are running the organization.’”

Despite their billions, Scott and Bezos didn’t make much of an effort in either technocratic or traditional philanthropy prior to this year. This stood out particularly in Seattle, where the corporate culture, shaped by hometown companies Nordstrom, Microsoft, Costco, Starbucks, and others, was of giving back. Leaders from those companies, and their spouses, tended to sit on nonprofit boards and donate generously, while the companies themselves also made major contributions. Amazon, and Bezos and Scott, had barely participated. The Seattle Times described Amazon in 2012 as being a “virtual no-show in hometown philanthropy.” It also has long been criticized for paying so little in corporate taxes.

Scott publicized the gifts, she said in her post, because “my own reflection after recent events revealed a dividend of privilege I’d been overlooking: the attention I can call to organizations and leaders driving change.”

In July, via a Medium post, Scott announced she’d given away $1.7 billion of her money to 116 organizations, including Point Foundation. “A civilization this imbalanced is not only unjust, but also unstable,” she wrote, as she laid out the areas she’d contributed to, from “empathy and bridging divides” to “functional democracy.” Scott worked with the consulting firm Bridgespan Group to vet nonprofits, and wrote that she tried to choose groups led by people of color, women, or LGBTQ people where possible. Among the groups she funded were Facing History and Ourselves, which provides resources to teachers on complex historical topics involving bigotry or hate, and Oweesta, a group focused on economic opportunities for Native people. Five historically black colleges and universities received gifts, too, with several saying it was the biggest they’d ever received. While not every group publicized the amount of her gift, the general range from those that did was about $3 million to $40 million.

Recently, the company has done more giving. The former couple has, too: In 2018, Bezos and Scott, still married, announced a “Day One Fund” committing $2 billion toward homelessness and preschools. But skeptics questioned why Bezos was giving money to combat homelessness while also fighting a proposed Seattle tax that would’ve funded programs to help the homeless but hit Amazon hard. As Reich puts it, “Jeff Bezos’ own philanthropy has been an embarrassing hodgepodge of announcements with no evidence of follow-through, and conducted almost entirely on Twitter.” For instance, Bezos this year announced he was giving $10 billion to a Bezos Earth Fund, but gave next to no details; as of yet there’s no public-facing fund nor website for the effort.

That she gave mostly unrestricted gifts to existing groups meant huge flexibility for the nonprofits: no grants to apply for, no multiyear metrics to hit, no pet projects of hers the groups would need to pursue. That draws accolades from nonprofit experts. It was “a huge shift in how philanthropy is done,” says Elizabeth J. Dale, an assistant professor of nonprofit leadership at Seattle University. “As a donor, by doing this, she acknowledged that she doesn’t have the answers.”

When Valencia asked Scott’s representatives how he could thank Scott, “while they were very gracious,” he says, “the response was, ‘You know, Ms. Scott really just wants to be able to provide you the support and then step back and let you do what you do best,’” he says.

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pizza depression of 2008–09 inspired financiers to explore slightly less profitable avenues in their search for the next big quick-serve cash cow, and a little salad chain called Sweetgreen was busy casting itself as the Domino’s of salad. Sweetgreen’s three founders went to great lengths to paint their business as a tech company, not a restaurant group, even as Sweetgreen had committed to the expensive process of not just washing and chopping but also marinating (and roasting and blanching and blackening) dozens of high-quality locally grown ingredients and making 18 dressings from scratch each morning.

This is an important moment, says Dale. “When you see donors trust the nonprofit experts, the people in the communities that have the highest needs, that’s a shift of power, right? In American society, wealth often equals power, so a very wealthy donor can have tremendous influence over an organization unless they’re taking these very intentional steps not to,” she says.

As for Scott, once the divorce was final, she signed the Giving Pledge, saying she’d give away most of her fortune, joining people including Larry Ellison, Pierre and Pam Omidyar, and Bill and Melinda Gates — though her ex, notably, has not signed the pledge. After that, she was, as usual, out of the public eye, and the philanthropic world wondered whether she would be all pledge, no action.

Valencia called from his North Hollywood bedroom, where he’d been running the organization since shutdown, pacing with his headphones on. Then he sat down, hard. The caller told him Point Foundation was getting a major gift — one of the largest it had ever r