The focus on scientific endeavors should not, however, make anyone feel all that much better about science’s place in th

Author : rbasf
Publish Date : 2021-01-07 19:06:07


The focus on scientific endeavors should not, however, make anyone feel all that much better about science’s place in th

Lastly, we have treason. Treason was a very common crime that was administered by the king himself. The Middle Ages was a turbulent time that was marked by social change, wars, revolutions, rebellions, religious changes, and other unrest. Many times, at the end of one of these events, the losing side was charged with treason and sentenced to death. Sometimes this would be a single prominent leader and other times it would be scores of people. In nearly every case, being found guilty of treason meant death.

George Keyworth participated in a panel discussion in 1988, a few years after he had left the White House, and highlighted an important distinction that Holdren’s later role bore out: “People often focus, mistakenly in my opinion, on ‘access’ to the president. Assuredly this is important, but how that access is achieved is a far more central issue.” The best measure of one’s access, he said, is “how often one’s advice is sought by the President.” An advisor can’t just barge in and advise; like a vampire at your window, he must be invited in.

Furthermore, it was not just any death. Treason was often marked by the cruelest executions imaginable. The king’s grip on a territory was often only as strong as their military force and their internal deterrent force against rebellion. Horrific executions such as being drawn and quartered, being burned at the stake, or being slowly flayed alive were all administered to traitors. This was a bid to assert the monarch’s full control over the populace as well as serve as the ultimate deterrence.

That sounds ugly, but in retrospect it may be more rule than exception. When I spoke with Neal Lane in late 2016, he agreed that the incoming Trump administration “is shaping up to be as difficult as it has been in recent memory,” where science is concerned. Sounding more befuddled than I would have imagined for someone who had spent time working within Washington’s confines, he also pinpointed a fundamental problem with the science-government relationship: “Those kinds of professions, they’re really difficult for scientists to identify with, because they will say things and do things that may not reflect their belief or understanding at all.”

Unfortunately, blasphemy was a common crime because it could occur in a moment via a minor slip of the tongue. In the wrong company or in the presence of someone with an agenda, an unkind word towards a local priest or bishop could be spun into heresy or blasphemy with dire consequences. It was often used against someone’s enemy as an easy way to cause them grief. It was difficult to try and prove or disprove what someone had actually said or not.

In the Obama White House, this was apparently a standard occurrence. The president would often read an article about some scientific topic, and issue notes to his staff: “I need to know what Holdren thinks on this.”

On stem cells, one of the biggest controversies of the Bush presidency, Marburger said in 2004 that they “offer great promise for addressing incurable diseases and afflictions. But I can’t tell you when a fertilized egg becomes sacred. That’s not my job.” According to the testimony of other science-related positions in that administration, it wouldn’t have mattered even if it was his job; Bush’s surgeon general Richard Carmona told a Congressional committee that while on the job from 2002 to 2006, he was expressly forbidden from speaking about stem cells, contraception, mental health issues, and even health concerns related to global warming — these were deemed political issues rather than scientific issues.

“The president, in effect, asked me how science could be used to stop these incidents. I had the distinct impression that he expected a final solution to be laid on the table immediately, but I’m afraid I told him rather unwelcome news, that the situation was extremely complex and there was neither a sure fix or any technological magic that I could conjure up to solve this problem.”

In other words, as long as politicians remain politicians, science is in trouble. Ed David, Nixon’s second advisor, told a story in 2005 that lays out a second major problem, regarding the way those politicians seem to view science in general. He recalled being summoned to the Oval Office to discuss a recent spate of airplane hijackings with the president and several advisors:

In other administrations… not so much. George W. Bush appointed John H. Marburger to head up OSTP, but made an unprecedented decision: he elected not to grant Marburger his second title of “assistant to the president for science and technology.” This sounds arcane, but it truly mattered; in essence, he was left hovering outside that window, unable to penetrate the president’s inner circle. Those with that “assistant” title (there are others outside of the realm of science) can write memos to the president, and can more easily make appointments to see him.

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— this implies you’re heavily relying on the Node ecosystem, you use libraries such as React, Angular, Vue and all the other craziness that comes with linting, building and deploying web apps to the web. You may get away with running your React app locally. I certainly managed to do that, but for instance I had to rebuild node-sass. My gut feeling says, the more complex your web app is, the more you’ll run into problems. Docker support is also not there yet. Homebrew is another potential major blocker. If you absolutely need it, here’s where they’re at with it.

Blasphemy was a severe crime which warranted an equally severe punishment. Many times, blasphemers would be punished with the removal of their tongues. Someone who was found guilty of this egregious offense would be bound and have their tongue removed with hot tongs or pliers leaving them unable to speak for the remainder of their life.

Holdren told me a story of meeting then-Senator Obama in 2007, before he ran for president. “He has a mode of deepening his understanding, which is a very effective one,” he said. “He arranges for his staff to find eight or ten of what they regard as the most interesting and best informed people in the country on a given topic, but from different perspectives, and he assembles them for a three-hour private dinner, and he conducts a dinner conversation like an orchestra conductor with these folks sitting around the table. And he extracts from them what they know and think about the topic.” Holdren was invited to such a dinner on climate change, along with other academics, an oil executive, some NGO types, and so on; he sat next to the senator, and they hit it off enough to be offered a job not long afterward. These modern-day salons clearly shaped the president’s time in office; but it isn’t how most presidents operate.

It’s hard to see Marburger’s marginalized status as unrelated to what many consider to be among the more anti-science presidencies the country has had. On issues ranging from stem cell research to global warming, Bush led the government on a merry romp through completely indefensible policy positions, and left his science advisor watching helplessly. Like many before him, Marburger managed this difficult role by sitting squarely on the fence.

Other punishments included stoning, as according to the Old Testament, and hangings. In fact, the last hanging for blasphemy in England actually occurred in 1697 when a young man was hanged for denying the truth of Christ’s miracles and the integrity of the Old Testament.



Category : general

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