These movements’ gains were partial, and did not result in true equality or justice. But no class-based movement in the

Author : xtiomarks6

Publish Date : 2021-01-07 17:25:00

These movements’ gains were partial, and did not result in true equality or justice. But no class-based movement in the

Class-first leftists portray themselves as the vanguard, but their theories are confused, their facts are empirically incorrect, and their ethics are often reactionary garbage. Liberation that isn’t intersectional isn’t liberation at all. It’s just a new white male cishet boss taking the place of the old.

It’s also why class-first leftists like Angela Nagle sometimes find themselves allying with right-wing bigots like Tucker Carlson. Nagle infamously went on Carlson’s show to make the case against open borders, arguing that generous immigration policies harm American workers. Nagle sees class as the main vector of oppression, and wants to protect working class Americans first and foremost. Racism against immigrants isn’t of much concern to her; it’s not real oppression. The mantra of class-first becomes an excuse to shrug off racism and center white workers, so that Tucker Carlson becomes a more logical ally than antiracist activists.

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In the 2016 presidential election, Clinton won 89 percent of Black voters and 37 percent of white voters — a 52 point gap. By contrast, 53 percent of those with incomes under $50,000 voted for Clinton, while 47 percent of those with incomes over $100,000 did — a mere six-point gap. Black voters were much more uniformly opposed to Trump’s agenda of tax cuts for the wealthy, erosion of worker protections, and racist attacks on immigrants. Class-first leftists argue that we should organize the working class to fight against class oppression first and other oppressions second. But in practice, it is Black voters whose antiracism leads them to turn out to oppose oligarchy.

Class-first leftists are right that in some cases, antiracism, feminism, and other liberation movements can be used to dismiss or minimize class oppression. Lean-in feminism, which encourages women executives to ask for pay raises, centers wealthy women, and often ignores or erases the exploitation of poor women (and poor people more generally). Corporate diversity initiatives can similarly paper over a company’s exploitive practices. Opponents of economic equality sometimes use accusations of racism or sexism in bad faith, just as opponents of racial liberation (like Tucker Carlson) will sometimes try to leverage the language of class oppression to stymie progress.

Class-first leftists insist they are committed to ending racism, sexism, transphobia, antisemitism, and other forms of discrimination. But in practice, as intersectional leftists have argued, when you insist that class is the foundational and most important form of oppression, you inevitably end up tossing people who experience other forms of oppression under the bus.

As in the past, so today: antiracism now is a more universal, more powerful force for change than class-based organizing. As author Zoltan Hajnal explains in his book Dangerously Divided: How Race and Class Shape Winning and Losing in American Politics, our current political landscape is split by race much more than class.

Class-first leftists think that class should come first in organizing and should, in theory, provide a basis for universal organizing. But antiracist organizing has done a lot more to inspire mass movements in the United States, and has formed the basis for sweeping economic change. Ignoring the realities of organizing on the ground because it does not fit academic theories of change is the opposite of what leftists are supposed to be about.

Similarly, antiracism inspired months of protest this summer. Black Lives Matter, a movement primarily organized around antiracism, not class solidarity, brought a variety of Americans into the street together and articulated a program linking racial exploitation to class oppression. “Defund the police” is not just an antiracist campaign. It is an economic call to action; a demand that we shift funding from violent agents of the state into avenues that improve Black communities, especially poorer ones.

To be clear, I am not saying class is unimportant. Class is a brutal and pervasive way in which people are exploited, violated, and harmed in our society. Many of the concerns class-first leftists highlight are vitally important, and many of their recommendation are laudable. We need stronger unions. We need full employment. We need free health care. We need to expropriate wealth to end inequality. We need workers to have control of the means of production.

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