A survey by Fisher-Price suggests American moms are particularly vulnerable to feeling this guilt, and “seem to feel mor

Neal Lane told me it is an unfair metric to measure a science advisor by the federal research budget alone, but for better or for worse that tends to happen. In David’s case, it was for worse: by 1973 the federal support for science had dropped to its lowest point in a decade, and it would drop again the next year. Soon after David’s resignation, Nixon simply abolished the advisor post, dispensing even with the façade of support for a scientifically defensible White House policy apparatus. A number of other scientifically relevant officials — the assistant secretary for health, the Surgeon General of the Public Health Service, even the director of the National Institutes of Health — all either resigned or were ousted around the same time.

But he too couldn’t penetrate Nixon’s wall, a situation that undoubtedly only got worse as the Watergate scandal began to blow up. In early January, 1973, David as well submitted his resignation. The Times reported, damningly, that while serving as advisor “he had never managed to play an important role in shaping Federal research and development policy.”

In the aftermath of Nixon’s dismantling of the White House science apparatus, discussions soon began regarding how exactly to resurrect it. Gerald Ford eventually appointed H. Guyford Stever, former president of Carnegie Mellon University and director of the National Science Foundation, as his science advisor, reestablishing the post, while Congress chipped in with the National Science and Technology Policy and Organization Act of 1976, establishing the Office of Science and Technology Policy inside the office of the president. In some ways, though, the former influence seen by Killian, Kistiakowsky and Wiesner was gone.

In one sense, it worked, as David lasted longer in the role than his predecessor did. He spent his 28 months at the White House again pushing for increases to federal funding for science, helping negotiate international collaborations, and continuing some of DuBridge’s policy fights that smoldered on past his exit. (That suppressed SST report was finally released more than a year after the Congressional complaints, and it did indeed recommend against further government support for the plane.)

Journalist Daniel Greenberg wrote a long essay at this time regarding Nixon’s pugnacious relationship to the scientific world. “Mr. Nixon, who is demonstrably not above grudgery, does not like the academic world, including its substantial scientific component,” he wrote, “probably for the well established reason that the academic world long ago decided that it did not like Mr. Nixon.” It is fair to say that the disconnect between science and government has never been so clearly on display.

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as split, “forked”, into iOS for iPhones and iPadOS for tablets. This split allowed Apple to introduce, in March of this year, the Magic Keyboard for iPad Pros and the 4th generation iPad Air. The bridge to laptop-like uses for iPads was Finally™ complete. Just don’t call it a toaster-fridge.

“So, you have a situation — “ He stopped, pondering. “There have been a lot of science advisors who have been more influential than they got credit for.” He told me that early in his career, he had been mentored by some of the first presidential advisors, including George Kistiakowsky (Eisenhower) and Jerry Wiesner (Kennedy). “They all told me, you get more done if you don’t care who gets the credit.”

A full 70 percent of mothers with kids under age 18 work outside the home, and 40 percent of these moms are the family breadwinner — the majority of whom are single mothers.

The advisor who is willing, in Holdren’s words, to go on “beavering away in the trenches just getting stuff done,” will have more success than one who needs to be seen and heard as well. Seems reasonable, until we rephrase: furthering scientific progress can only be done effectively at the White House when it is done in the shadows.

Seen from another viewpoint, though, the scientific community seems to have always felt that their needs were not being well represented at the White House. In the journal Science just after Ronald Reagan was elected, an advisor to the President-Elect was said to think that “the role of science adviser was narrowed and weakened in the Carter White House.” George H.W. Bush promised to elevate the position after it had been sublimated under Reagan. President Obama promised to “restore science to its rightful place.” Even as far back as 1954, when the advisor was part-time and headed up a committee to help the president, William Golden wrote to a colleague that the science advisory mechanisms “had not fulfilled the hopes” that the community had for it.

Of course, that’s only true, again, when the president doesn’t care about scientific progress over political expedience. Our sample size is limited, but unfortunately, that order of priorities has dominated more often than one would hope.

Once more, DuBridge showed what it meant to be a science advisor to the White House: sometimes, one must defend the indefensible. Apparently though, the SST incident represented one of the final straws he could tolerate: on August 19 of the same year, 1970, he submitted his resignation.

When I asked John Holdren what it really means to “have the president’s ear” in this role, he seemed a bit agitated by the question. I had suggested that certain advisors seemed to be lauded for that influence while others disappeared into the background.

As more mothers have entered the U.S. workforce in the past several decades, the share of two-parent households in which both parents work full time now stands at 46%, up from 31% in 1970. At the same time, the share with a father who works full time and a mother who doesn’t work outside the home has declined considerably; 26% of two-parent households today fit this description, compared with 46% in 1970, according to a new Pew Research Center analysis of Current Population Survey data.

Nixon replaced his high priest of science with a virtual unknown, Edward E. David, Jr., described as being “well outside the main channel of the American scientific establishment.” Perhaps the idea was to move that dividing line between presidential policy cheerleader and scientific advocate toward the former and away from the latter — if the scientific community didn’t know the new advisor, they couldn’t expect much of him.