Media mogul Rupert Murdoch has chosen a former Fox News executive to unleash

Murdoch Wants to Shake Up U.K. News With ‘Aggressive’ TV Service

(Bloomberg) -- Media mogul Rupert Murdoch has chosen a former Fox News executive to unleash his controversial brand of journalism on British screens. But David Rhodes insists he’s not bringing the U.S. network’s brash playbook to London.“It wouldn’t work in this market,” the News UK TV president said in an interview with Bloomberg News.

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“If you look at News Corp.’s history and tradition, it is one of local products for local markets -- which this is.”News UK TV will air for free on smart TVs and online platforms, and will showcase the kind of work seen in Murdoch newspapers such as the Sun and the 236-year-old Times of London.Murdoch Wants to Shake Up U.K. News With ‘Aggressive’ TV Service“We think that there’s a real editorial and creative gap in the market -- a lot of that spirit has never really been effectively brought to television,” said Rhodes from his Thames-side office in the 17-story headquarters of Murdoch’s U.K. business. “It’s campaigning. It is ambitious, I think. It’s aggressive, at times.”Unlike a conventional TV channel, News UK TV will open a new line of advertising revenue from the fast-growing digital TV market as newspapers -- once the heart of Murdoch’s empire -- grapple with tumbling circulation. His company News Corp. launched Times Radio last year, featuring former print journalists as its presenters.Murdoch Wants to Shake Up U.K. News With ‘Aggressive’ TV ServiceThe most partisan punditry found on U.S. TV would struggle to get past British regulator Ofcom, which enforces “due impartiality.” While the Sun has tended to explicitly back Conservative governments, Rhodes said News UK TV will stay “within the guardrails.” He pointed to the success of News Corp.’s Ofcom-regulated U.K. radio stations in recent years.One of them, TalkRadio, calls itself the “home of free speech,” and was fined by the regulator for breaching impartiality rules last year. It has also clashed with YouTube over community standards. Rhodes said TalkRadio invites as many politicians from the opposition Labour party as from the ruling Conservatives.TV Shake-UpNews UK TV isn’t the only newcomer to challenge the center-ground BBC, the public-service broadcaster that’s long been viewed as Britain’s most trusted news source.Murdoch Wants to Shake Up U.K. News With ‘Aggressive’ TV ServiceGB News, backed by another U.S. media billionaire, John Malone, and run by former Murdoch executive Andrew Neil, denies it is partisan. However, the channel has teased a segment called “Woke Watch,” and one of its presenters is Andrew Doyle, a commentator known for his parody of an imagined young left-winger called Titania McGrath.Rhodes, a former president of CBS News and head of U.S. television at Bloomberg LP, said he’ll put News UK TV in the middle of the public conversation about so-called culture wars between social liberals and conservatives.“But we didn’t put them there. That’s what the audience is talking about and interested in learning more about,” he said.Asked what stories he would have been focused on if News UK TV were already live, Rhodes mentioned a riot last Sunday in the English city of Bristol, the idea of issuing vaccine passports to enter bars and pubs, and the order in which citizens are being vaccinated for Covid-19.GB News and News UK TV are both potential destinations for one of Britain’s most famous journalists, divisive ex-CNN anchor Piers Morgan, who recently resigned from Britain’s largest free-to-air commercial broadcaster, ITV.“I don’t think it would surprise anyone that, from time to time, we’ve had discussions,” said Rhodes, pointing out that Morgan is a former editor of the News of the World, a defunct Murdoch newspaper. “But from time to time we’ve had discussions with a number of people -- not just Piers.
Bengal has an impossible choice to make this election
West Bengal must choose between BJP’s tall claims, Left’s cluelessness and TMC’s governance by gamble.
The elections in Bengal seem to have become something of a national pastime. I cannot recall a period when the national media has spent this much time pondering over Bengal’s future. This must surely be an anomaly. The word future in the context of Bengal challenges even the most resolute. The once-mighty Bengal’s perceived fall from grace and consequent loss in national eminence is such a long-drawn work-in-progress that many have lost track of what Aristotle would call the telos. Rather, one tends to speak of Bengal — in both jest and angst — as a Platonic idea, something outside time and historicity. In this election, however, Bengal seems to have emerged into the national consciousness as a material object, with the unenviable task of confronting its innards, so far hidden from electoral optics. These internal injuries, it is being presumed, will play a decisive role in Bengal’s tilt this summer.

The most rib-tickling claim to that effect has been made by the BJP. In the armature of Hindutva’s national populism, Bengal is a sideshow, but has great symbolic value if it falls to the BJP. To ensure it does, the BJP has decided that Bengal is full of agonised Hindus dying to climb aboard the galloping North Indian mothership. The BJP has couched this dogma with the gobbledygook called Sonar Bangla, unleashing the standard operating procedure of lies and identity politics. The BJP has also decided that a few carrots for Bengal’s Hindus could undo decades of social cohabitation and hard-earned, experiential wisdom about BJP’s utterly abysmal record of governance elsewhere.

The CPM-Congress-ICF alliance is, in comparison, tense-agnostic. It cannot bet on the past; neither can it claim the untested, future-reliant terrain that the BJP is banking on. Unless one is born in the new millennium, CPM’s three-and-a-half-decade rule — a mixed bag of agro-reforms, mass politicisation of institutions, widespread de-industrialisation, and reckless hubris — is a lived experience. The memory of the Congress, even if more faded than that of the Left, is worse. Together, they cannot promise a return to an operable past, neither have they fought this election on real issues, having been bereft of ideas, political strategising and informed debate. Rather, standing firm on their epic distaste for TMC, the Left has fallen into the predictable template of blurring Mamata with the BJP, trying to flog the much-maligned monster of her monocracy. The Left’s unwillingness to see the difference between the fatuous personality cult of Mamata and the diabolic nature of BJP’s takeover is a sign of it having learnt nothing from its own past as a party with similar authoritarian tendencies. It has also inducted, as an empowered ally, a local cleric to win away Muslim votes from the TMC. Entrenched realities? Certainly of the kind that would make the BJP cheerful and Marx shift in his grave. Here too, the Left, has sought umbrage under a perceived imagination of a Bengal full of the vulnerable minority. Only in one aspect is the Left alliance different from the BJP. Apart from the dregs of TMC who have swam to the saffron side, the BJP has fumbled with finding candidates, able or not. In comparison, the Left’s elderly leadership have let their senility take the backseat, letting a set of young faces emerge, who seem to stand out with a sincerity of purpose long alien to their older comrades.

The TMC has the highest stake in Bengal as the incumbent party. It is no secret that like all state-level sovereigns, TMC has always been a party of Mamata Banerjee’s cult. She had singlehandedly brought the upper-caste arrogance and orthodoxy of the CPM to its feet; then modelled herself on the Left&rsqu